Tuesday, November 18, 2008
Monday, November 10, 2008
Tuesday, November 4, 2008
Friday, October 24, 2008
Warning, danger, warning, danger! This DVD (1972, dir. Jean Pierre Melville) is so bad it's almost frightening. "Un flic" is a cop, Alain Delon. He chases gangsters. Awful awful awful. Tedious to an unbearable degree. Draggy, dull, bogus in every way.
Tuesday, October 21, 2008
"This wasn't the English version of the word as in 'my son' as in 'mate' as in 'like-minded individual,' this was the patronizing American version as in 'Just you remember who you're talking to, son.' 'Son?' I doubted the geezer was even as old as me and I knew he hadn't seen anything like the reality of yours truly . . . . Paradowski sighed. He adjusted his position and crossed his legs. 'Look, son, can I be straight with you?' 'Sure, Dad.' "
New York: Penguin, 2005, p. 203.
Wednesday, October 15, 2008
Thursday, October 9, 2008
Tuesday, October 7, 2008
Okay, PBS says there are currently some 40 million people in the US with no health care insurance. McCain would add another 20 million to the total.
Only the rectal-cranially inverted can support public policy this misguided. Oh when will an operation be invented to cure this stubborn and vexing condition?
Sunday, September 28, 2008
Monday, September 22, 2008
"Nicholas D. Kristof doesn't go far enough when he suggests that overpaid American CEOs should 'learn from Britain and Australia.' I would like to see some masters of the [financial] universe line up, bow deeply and apologize to their employees and shareholders--in the fashion of Japanese managers. And then give back the money they didn't earn."
Friday, September 19, 2008
Wednesday, September 17, 2008
Tuesday, September 16, 2008
"--I speak of normal natures, said Stephen. You also told me that when you were a boy in that charming carmelite school you ate pieces of dried cow dung. Lynch broke again into a whinny of laughter and again rubbed both his hands over his groin but without taking them from his pockets. --O I did! I did! he cried."
New York: Viking, 1964, p. 205.
Monday, September 15, 2008
Wednesday, September 10, 2008
Friday, September 5, 2008
Saturday, August 30, 2008
Tuesday, August 26, 2008
Friday, August 22, 2008
New York: Spiegel & Grau, 2008, pp. 52, 100-101.
Thursday, August 21, 2008
Jeaux the Conqueror,
Davey is writing from the lap of luxury, safely removed from the problem of the decline in real wages of the average worker over the past ten or twenty years, the workers slowly turning brain-dead from overwork and a sense of unending pointlessness and misery, the overlords going out to laugh at Davey's plays and films. He's abandoned the exploited. Well the exploited can return the favor and start reading someone else. The bushdoctor will take care of them. The bushdoctor honors labor. He sides with Blaise Pascal: "I only approve those who seek with groans."
Davey never groans, I can almost guarantee you.
As to teaching acting, remember Shakespeare's famous quote:
"All the world's a stage and the unemployment rate for the Screen Actors Guild is holding steady at 97 percent."
P.S. Funny we should be talking about a brain-dead liberal just as Patty publishes the latest post on her Alzheimer's blog. As a wise man said: "Life is funny, only it's not funny enough."
Wednesday, August 20, 2008
I can't thank you enough for the story consultation on which I may retitle ,The Murder Portfolio. Our discussion and your enthusiasm for the project reignited my interest in the world of Mr. Stallworth and I am amazed at the bonehead oversights in the draft you read. Not only would Nick Donatello not have paid a house call alone on Reed, if he had he would have had people on the fire escape to block Reed's exit. And when he trashed the place, he would have stolen Reed's laptop in order to find out where he worked. I have Reed go back and pick up the laptop after the break-in. Where was my mind?
Well I've junked the break-in and I've junked the shouting match between Reed and the super about the broken windows (makes Reed too much of a hothead, not likable) and I've junked the liaison with Jamie because it was an inessential subplot that went nowhere, and I've made Reed much more leery about coming back to the neighborhood after the night he clipped Michael Donatello.
Your keen observation that as of page 40 all the story is concerned with is finding Sal Bianco made me want to shrink this, but I found I was unable to. It is the nucleus of too many scenes. I would have had to junk the entire first 40 pages, and a cut of that magnitude was too much for me. It still stands as a Winner Take Nothing plot element that at least has a hard-bitten realism going for it. And it is a way of showing the nature of the relationship between Eddie and Reed. But I've changed it from Reed asking for Bianco's phone number to Reed asking both Zanetti and Eddie to vouch for him with Bianco, so a meeting can be set up, which Eddie finally agrees to do, for the grand.
But mainly it was your enthusiasm that enabled me to go back and do all this necessary work and for that, once again, I thank you kindly.
Thursday, August 7, 2008
Sunday, August 3, 2008
Tuesday, July 29, 2008
Saturday, July 26, 2008
Wednesday, July 23, 2008
Tuesday, July 22, 2008
Wednesday, July 16, 2008
Tuesday, July 8, 2008
Thursday, July 3, 2008
Wednesday, July 2, 2008
Tuesday, July 1, 2008
Friday, June 20, 2008
Friday, June 13, 2008
Saturday, May 31, 2008
Thursday, May 22, 2008
Thursday, May 15, 2008
Tuesday, May 13, 2008
"My own unaided resources were no match for the petty bourgeois logic which prevails in this city as in no other. Everything here is opposed to whatever is creative; and it remains true, no matter how vehemently the contrary is asserted, that this city is built on hypocrisy and that it greatest passion is hatred of the intellect and the spirit: wherever imagination is so much as glimpsed, it is rooted out. Salzburg is a deceitful façade, a monument to the world's mendacity, behind which creativity and the creative artist are doomed to atrophy, disintegration, and death. This city of my fathers is in reality a terminal disease which its inhabitants acquire through heredity or contagion. If they fail to leave at the right moment, they sooner or later either commit suicide, directly or indirectly, or perish slowly and wretchedly on this lethal soil with its archepiscopal architecture and its mindless blend of National Socialism and Catholicism."
A moment of amusement in an otherwise bleak and wholly unproductive day. Last night I dreamt I set up my drumset in the parking lot of a restaurant as members of a band waited for me to finish but we didn't get a chance to play any tunes. This is a frequently recurring dream. One comes right to the verge of playing--and the dream ends, or shifts scenes, as it did last night, to a bus or trolley, I couldn't tell which.
Sunday, May 11, 2008
"Everywhere the Chicago School crusade [of "free-market" Friedmanite economics] has triumphed, it has created a permanent underclass of between 25 and 60 percent of the population. It is always a form of war. But when that warlike economic model of mass evictions and discarded cultures is imposed in a country that is already ravaged by disaster and scarred by ethnic conflict, the dangers are far greater."
A note on Peter Joseph's not-for-profit Zeitgeist: The Movie: it is available for rental on DVD at Hollywood Express. [June 2015: Now on YouTube.]
Thursday, May 8, 2008
Wednesday, May 7, 2008
Tuesday, May 6, 2008
Thursday, May 1, 2008
"Somewhere in the world, we humans cut down an area of jungle the size of a football field every second of every day, and deforestation now contributes as much to global warming as all the carbon emitted by the United States."
"So while the reconstruction of Iraq was certainly a failure for Iraqis and for U.S. taxpayers, it has been anything but for the disaster capitalism complex. Made possible by the September 11 attacks, the war in Iraq represented nothing less than the violent birth of a new economy. This was the genius of Rumsfeld’s ‘transformation’ plan: since every possible aspect of both destruction and reconstruction has been outsourced and privatized, there’s an economic boom when the bombs start falling, when they stop and when they start up again—a closed profit-loop of destruction and reconstruction, of tearing down and building up. For companies that are clever and far-sighted, like Halliburton and the Carlyle Group [now defunct], the destroyers and rebuilders are different divisions of the same corporations."
Monday, April 28, 2008
In a post dated May 6, 2003 on www.InformationClearingHouse.info, Bette Stockbauer wrote:
"When the Bush administration started lobbying for war with Iraq, they used as rationale a definition of preemption (generally meaning anticipatory use of force in the face of an imminent attack) that was broadened to allow for the waging of a preventive war in which force may be used even without evidence of an imminent attack. They also were able to convince much of the American public that Saddam Hussein had something to do with the attacks of 9/11, despite the fact that no evidence of a link has been uncovered. Consequently, many people supported the war on the basis of 1) a policy that has no legal basis in international law [emphasis supplied] and 2) a totally unfounded claim of Iraqi guilt."
If the US occupation is illegal, why haven't any Iraqis, to the best of my knowledge, filed charges against the US in the International Court of Justice at the Hague? Maybe some have. I should try to research this.
Friday, April 25, 2008
"In the magazine Foreign Policy, he argued in the spring for upper limits on the amount of income an American should be allowed to keep and the amount of wealth that can be passed on to beneficiaries ($4 million a year and $200 million, respectively). 'It makes sense to be moderate politically only if there are two sides willing to engage,' he says. 'The right wing isn’t just taking over the country, it’s shanghaiing all our values. If there’s a Republican administration after the next election, I would join in efforts for some sort of secession. It’s not the same country anymore.' "
Secession is unrealistic and doesn't pass the giggle test, but limits on income and a radical revision in the estate tax could transform this country into a nation where the concept of equality is honored, not thrown on the trash pile. Liberté, Fraternité, Egalité. Obama, as previously reported here, has said that income inequality in the US is now the greatest it's been since the Great Depression. A recent profile of corporate raider Carl Ikan (sp?) on Sixty Minutes revealed that his net worth is more than $8 billion dollars. One man. Worth 8 billion dollars. Is there any one person whose skills are so great that s/he's entitled to possess that kind of money? When the dropout rate in public high schools is an average 33 percent, and in some areas of the country 50 percent? And the US has the highest percentage of its population in prison of any industrialized nation? And the US health care system ranks last among those of industrialized nations in terms of access, quality and efficiency, according to the Commonwealth Fund?
Another note on the Federal Reserve System. Since the US is no longer on the gold standard, the power to regulate the money supply is the power to regulate its value, according to Peter Joseph's documentary Zeitgeist. (Though of course international currency exchange rates also play a role.) In any case, the Fed has fundamentally awesome power that should be subject to close oversight by the legislative branch of government, not left to a cabal of millionaire bankers.
Thursday, April 24, 2008
So here's a way to augment troop levels in an unpopular war, or occupation--pay people to come in and fight on your side. You don't hear the press reporting on the number of mercenaries in Iraq, so the American public gets a distorted picture of the level of overall "US forces." Does Congress have oversight of mercenaries such as Blackwater? Not that I know of. Seems to be an executive branch/Pentagon kind of thing. Yet these mercenaries are fighting in our name. Shouldn't the voting public have some kind of say in this? The billions of dollars the mercenaries are being paid comprise US tax dollars.
Wednesday, April 23, 2008
I've got to research the United Nations charter. For the life of me I can't understand how what the U.S. is doing to Iraq can be legally permissible. It's legal for the US to occupy a sovereign state for as long as it feels like it? To stay in perpetuity? I mean is the US just stealing another country? What's next? Will the Bush administration annex Iraq? Propose that it become the 51st state? wtf ! ! !
Tuesday, April 22, 2008
Can this possibly constitute moral behavior by the United States? Is it legal for a state to persist in an occupation that is inflicting such widespread suffering, with no end in sight, other than the promises of Obama and Clinton to end the war? Imagine the psychological state of the average Iraqi when s/he hears Bush or McCain saying there is no timetable for withdrawal of U.S. forces. Mental cruelty is a recognized offense in marital relationships. Should not mental cruelty inflicted on one state by another be regarded as a contravention of the laws of human decency? Why aren't any Iraqis initiating legal proceedings in the Court of International Justice at the Hague? All the prosecution would have to do would be to hand the judge The Shock Doctrine.
One wonders what the future holds. I heard soft-spoken historian and social activist Howard Zinn on CCTV the other night say (and I have not corroborated this) that the U.S. has military bases in 100 countries. Is this empire-building? I thought that era was over. And I thought US military capacities were such that we could project military force, via aircraft carriers and long-range bombers, to any area of the world within a short timeframe. What gives with all these bases?
One hears these things and thinks about these things, and the act of screenwriting, at least screenwriting about gangsters, strikes one as the height of frivolity.
Thursday, April 17, 2008
Tuesday, April 15, 2008
Klein goes on to write (p. 360-65): "The 'fiasco' of Iraq is one created by a careful and faithful application of unstrained Chicago School ideology . . . . [I]n November 2003, after he canceled local elections, Bremer flew back to Washington for huddled meetings at the White House. When he returned to Baghdad, he announced that general [i.e., national] elections were off the table. Iraq's first 'sovereign' government would be appointed, not elected . . . . Had the Bush administration kept its promise to hand over power quickly to an elected Iraqi government, there is every chance that the resistance would have remained small and containable, rather than becoming a countrywide rebellion. But keeping that promise would have meant sacrificing the economic agenda behind the war, something that was not going to happen--and that is why the violent repercussions of America's denial of democracy in Iraq must also be counted as a form of ideological blowback . . . ."
Sunday, April 13, 2008
The law has a long arm. Chile's Pinochet was on trial for murder at the time of his death, according to Naomi Klein.
Saturday, April 12, 2008
No kidding it's time for change.
The uncertainty as to whether "private aspects" or "public purposes" guide the Fed is unacceptable. Regulation of interest rates and the money supply should be in the hands of an institution that is wholly and explicitly dedicated to serving the public good. There should be no possibility that private interests rather than public guide the Fed's decision-making. The economy is created by the labors of the public. It is self-evident that the public interest should determine regulation of interest rates and the money supply--not a cabal of bankers working in secrecy and accountable to no one in their day to day operations.
Wednesday, April 9, 2008
The Fed goes on to say, in the FAQ document, that the nation's currency must be "elastic." It defines "elastic currency" as: "Currency that can, by the actions of the central monetary authority [i.e., the Fed itself], expand or contract in amounts warranted by economic conditions." A decision to expand the money supply by printing more currency or to shrink it by taking currency out of circulation has an enormous effect on the overall economy. The CCTV show one watched the other night quoted a banker as saying: "Give me control over a nation's money supply, and I don't care what its laws are."
The Fed's FAQ document goes on to say: "It [i.e., the Federal Reserve System] is not 'owned' by anyone . . . . [I]t is an independent entity within the government, having both public purposes and private aspects." The Fed well knows who "owns" the system, that is to say the country. A show on PBS the other night about health care stated that the top 1 percent of the American population possesses 38 percent of the nation's wealth. And the crucial question of the proportion of "public purposes" to "private aspects" is left in the dark. Not being directly and immediately accountable to the president, congress or the public in its day-to-day functioning, the Fed has no reason to be transparent in its deliberations or decision-making protocols. Secrecy is often the enemy of democracy. The recent bailout of Bear Stearns was brokered by the Fed with no opportunity for public input. Could it be that "public purposes," the safeguarding and promotion of the public good, predominate over the "private aspects," i.e., the self-interest of the bankers who run the Fed and their constituencies? Or do the "private aspects" predominate, say by a ratio of 90 to 10? With the current system, we'll never know. In today's NYTimes, Michael Grynbaum (p. C4) quotes an expert on Fed policy saying: "It's a club, and the members of the club tend to be supportive of a club, and particularly of the chairman. It's not popular to dissent." And they deliberate behind closed doors. Why isn't there a Federal Reserve Record, comparable to the Congressional Record?
The Fed is described as a "quasi-public" entity. It's important to realize that that which is "quasi-public" is also "quasi-private." Which ideology predominates during the Fed's deliberations, the public element or the private? It would take a credulous person indeed to imagine a roomful of bankers abandoning the ideology of self-interest and self-aggrandizement that defines the essence of a capitalist banker as they decided on economic matters that had a bearing on their personal assets and class affiliation.
Conclusion--the Federal Reserve System is an anti-democratic institution with near totalitarian control over the nation's banking and economic policies. It should be abolished as soon as possible and replaced by a national banking commission characterized by transparent protocols and public deliberations. An institution that would be immediately and directly accountable to congress and wage-earner collectives, the new People's Reserve System would be explicitly dedicated to serving the public interest.
And so the statement, posted here on April 8th, by one's local community-access cable TV channel that "The Fed is a private corporation" was inaccurate, and I am grateful to the careful reader who led me to look into this matter. The Fed is a "quasi-private" entity. But since the extent to which the public interest predominates in its operations cannot be known, it may in effect be a private corporation.
Tuesday, April 8, 2008
Bush Sr.'s father, one Prescott Bush, was a New York banker who colluded with the Nazis during WWII and was caught, creating a front-page scandal, according to the same TV show.
Saturday, April 5, 2008
Friday, April 4, 2008
However, if just one of them had a micro-nuclear bomb in his knapsack . . . .
Hmmmn . . . .
Experience over time will enable us better to judge the probability of this. At this point it's hard to see how standard cost-efficiency models can be applied to the threat of mass destruction. What's the dollar-value of 10,000 lives? Or 100,000? Or one-eighth the population of New York, which would be 1,000,000 lives. How much damage would a micro-nuclear bomb do? Should we detonate one in the Nevada desert to try to gauge this? One always hears about nuclear suitcase-bombs but has anyone ever set one off? Do they work?
Wednesday, April 2, 2008
"Through all its various name changes--the War on Terror, the war on radical Islam, the war against Islamofascism, the Third World War, the long war, the generational war--the basic shape of the conflict has remained unchanged. It is limited neither by time nor space nor target. From a military perspective, these sprawling and amorphous traits make the War on Terror an unwinnable proposition. But from an economic perspective, they make it an unbeatable one: not a flash-in-the-pan war that could potentially be won but a new and permanent feature in the global economic architecture. That was the business prospectus that the Bush administration put before corporate America after September 11. The revenue was a seemingly bottomless supply of tax dollars to be funneled from the Pentagon ($270 billion a year to private contractors, a $137 billion increase since Bush took office); U.S. intelligence agencies ($42 billion a year to contractors for outsourced intelligence, more than double 1995 levels); and the newest arrival, the Department of Homeland Security. Between September 11, 2001, and 2006, the Department of Homeland Security handed out $130 billion to private contractors ... In 2003, the Bush administration spent $327 billion on contracts to private companies--nearly 40 cents of every discretionary dollar."
Privatization of government functions is, along with deregulation of private industry and cuts in government spending on social programs, one of the key principles of Milton Friedman's economic ideology, an ideology that has demonstrated its brutality and savagery in country after country around the world, as amply documented in Klein's overwhelming and shattering work.
Protecting the US from the threat of terrorism is a necessary enterprise, but the thought that in fighting terrorism it is better to spend too much than too little makes the public vulnerable to allowing the War on Terror to turn into a cash cow of insane proportions, siphoning off money from social programs like public education--last night on NBC News it was reported that the drop-out rate from public high schools in numerous areas of the country is in the neighborhood of 50 percent.
Tuesday, April 1, 2008
Between 1996 and 1998, $600 billion disappeared from the stock markets of Asia in a financial panic stemming from a rumor that Thailand did not have enough dollars to back up its currency, most of it withdrawn by corporate traders and international financial institutions in 1997. This economic crisis led countries from Thailand to South Korea to Indonesia to turn to the International Monetary Fund for financial aid. The IMF granted the aid, but on the condition that these countries restructure their economies in ways that, among other things, facilitated investment in or the sale of their indigenous industries by offshore investment firms and multinational corporations. Klein writes (pp. 263-278):
"As far as the IMF was concerned, the crisis was going extremely well. In less than a year, it had negotiated the economic equivalent of extreme makeovers for Thailand, Indonesia, South Korea and the Philippines . . . The human costs of the IMF's opportunism were nearly as devastating in Asia as in Russia. The International Labor Organization estimates that a staggering 24 million people lost their jobs in this period and that Indonesia's unemployment rate increased from 4 to 12 percent. Thailand was losing 2,000 jobs a day at the height of the "reforms"--60,000 a month. In South Korea, 300,000 workers were fired every month--largely the result of the IMF's totally unnecessary demands to slash government budgets and hike interest rates. By 1999, South Korea's and Indonesia's unemployment rates had nearly tripled in only two years . . . As is always the case, women and children suffered the worst of the crisis. Many rural families in the Philippines and South Korea sold their daughters to human traffickers who took them to work in the sex trade in Australia, Europe and North America. In Thailand, public health officials reported a 20 percent increase in child prostitution in just one year--the year after the IMF reforms . . . The Korean titan Samsung ... was broken up and sold for parts: Volvo got its heavy industry division, SC Johnson & Son its pharmaceutical arm, General Electric its lighting division. A few years later, Daewoo's once-mighty car division, which the company had valued at $6 billion, was sold off to GM for just $400 million . . . Other big players who got a piece of the Asian distress sale included Seagram's, Hewlet-Packard, Nestlé, Interbrew and Novartis, Carrefour, Tesco and Ericsson. Coca-Cola bought a Korean bottling company for half a billion dollars; Procter and Gamble bought a Korean packaging company; Nissan bought one of Indonesia's largest car companies. General Electric acquired a controlling stake in Korea's refrigerator manufacturer LG; and Britain's Powergen nabbed LG Energy, a large Korean electricity-and-gas company . . . Bechtel got the contract to privatize the water and sewage systems in eastern Manila . . . Motorola got full control over Korea's Appeal Telecom. The New York-based energy giant Sithe got a large stake in Thailand's public gas company, the Cogeneration. Indonesia's water systems were split between Britain's Thames Water and France's Lyonnaise des Eaux. Canada's Westcoast Energy snapped up a huge Indonesia power plant project. British Telecom purchased a large stake in Both Malaysia's and Korea's postal services [ ! ]. Bell Canada got a piece of Korea's telecom Hansol . . . Employment rates have still not reached pre-1997 levels in Indonesia, Malaysia and South Korea . . . The truth is that Asia's crisis is still not over, a decade later. When 24 million people lose their jobs in a span of two years, a new desperation takes root that no culture can easily absorb . . . The layoffs have continued, with new foreign owners demanding ever-higher profits for their investments. The suicides have also continued: in South Korea, suicide is now the fourth most common cause of death, with thirty-eight people taking their own lives every day . . . And [NY Times columnist] Thomas Friedman . . . declared that what happened in Asia wasn't a crisis at all. 'I believe globalization did us all a favor by melting down the economies of Thailand, Korea, Malaysia, Indonesia, Mexico, Russia and Brazil in the 1990s, because it laid bare a lot of rotten practices [such as capital controls that would limit investment by offshore predators in national industries!] and institutions,' he wrote, adding that 'exposing the crony capitalism in Korea was no crisis in my book.' "
As a Republican, John McCain would of course support unregulated corporate globalization, irrespective of the cost in human suffering.
Monday, March 31, 2008
Klein cites (pp. 261-62) an open letter of resignation from the IMF written in 1988 by long-time staffer Davison Budhoo, a London School of Economics-trained economist. In his letter, Klein writes, Buddho "characterized the IMF's entire program of structural adjustment [for crisis-torn nations] as a form of mass torture in which ' "screaming-in-pain" governments and peoples [are] forced to bend on their knees before us, broken and terrified and disintegrating, and begging for a sliver of reasonableness and decency on our part. But we laugh cruelly in their face, and the torture goes on unabated . . . . Today I resigned from the International Monetary Fund after over twelve years, and after 1000 days of official Fund work in the field, hawking your medicine and your bag of tricks to governments and to peoples in Latin American and the Caribbean and Africa. To me resignation is a priceless liberation, for with it I have taken the first big step to that place where I may hope to wash my hands of what in my mind's eye is the blood of millions of poor and starving peoples . . . . The blood is so much, you know, it runs in rivers. It dries up, too; it cakes all over me; sometimes I feel that there is not enough soap in the whole world to cleanse me from the things that I did do in your name.' "
Wednesday, March 26, 2008
"Foreign corporations did more than thank the juntas [that carried out coup d'etats in Chile, Argentina and Brazil in the late sixties and early seventies] for their fine work; some were active participants in the terror campaigns [against pro-democracy dissidents]. In mid-1969, just as the junta [in Brazil] entered its most brutal phase, an extralegal police force was launched called Operation Bandeirantes, known as OBAN. Staffed with military officers, OBAN was funded, according to Brazil: Never Again [the title of a Brazilian human rights group report], "by contributions from various multinational corporations, including Ford and General Motors." Because it was outside official military and police structures, OBAN enjoyed "flexibility and impunity with regard to interrogation methods," the report states, and quickly gained a reputation for unparalleled sadism. It was in Argentina, however, that the involvement of Ford's local subsidiary with the terror apparatus was most overt. The company supplied cars to the military, and the green Ford Falcon sedan was the vehicle used for thousands of kidnappings and disappearances."
Tuesday, March 25, 2008
" The U.S. and British governments were determined to end Sukarno's rule [in Indonesia], and declassified documents show that the CIA had received high-level directions to 'liquidate President Sukarno, depending upon the situation and available opportunities.' "
Sources cited by Klein are William Blum's Killing Hope: U.S. Military and CIA Interventions Since WWII (Monroe, ME: Common Courage Press, 1995), p. 195; and the Times (London), August 8, 1986, "Times Diary: Liquidating Sukarno."
Monday, March 24, 2008
"Now, the securities and investment industry is pouring money into both Mr. Obama's and Mrs. Clinton's coffers. And these donors surely believe that they're buying something in return."
I thought Obama wasn't accepting corporate contributions. If I can find another report corroborating Krugman's, I'm probably going to resort to not voting, adding my number to the millions who do not vote, in my case attempting to undertake an act of protest against a political process that has become so corrupted by money it doesn't deserve one's participation. Campaign finance reform is crucial to the well being of this country. A reasonable level of public funding of US presidential and congressional elections is the only way the undue influence of wealth and unearned income can be removed from the electoral process.
Cf. N.O. Ting: "If a little bit of learning is a dangerous thing, immense learning is sheer tragedy."